{"id":29218,"date":"2022-12-22T06:38:00","date_gmt":"2022-12-22T03:38:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eliamep.lncdoo.com\/ekloges-stin-tourkia-to-2023-poioi-ypopsifioi-boroun-na-nikisoun-ton-erntogan-stis-kalpes-istar-gozaydin-kai-ahmet-erdi-ozturk\/"},"modified":"2024-08-28T11:07:02","modified_gmt":"2024-08-28T08:07:02","slug":"ekloges-stin-tourkia-to-2023-poioi-ypopsifioi-boroun-na-nikisoun-ton-erntogan-stis-kalpes-istar-gozaydin-kai-ahmet-erdi-ozturk","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/ekloges-stin-tourkia-to-2023-poioi-ypopsifioi-boroun-na-nikisoun-ton-erntogan-stis-kalpes-istar-gozaydin-kai-ahmet-erdi-ozturk\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkey&#8217;s 2023 Election: Which Candidates Can Defeat Erdo\u011fan at the Polls? &#8211; \u0130\u015ftar G\u00f6zayd\u0131n and Ahmet Erdi \u00d6zt\u00fcrk"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"the-content\"><p><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Turkey will go to the polls at the latest in June 2023 to elect both the President and the parliament. These elections could bring to an end the period in which the AKP has ruled by means of various unofficial coalitions.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>The 2019 municipal elections also showed that it was possible for the opposition to defeat authoritarian regimes through elections, thereby showing voters how essential it was for them to join forces.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan seems to be playing all his cards to win this election, which should come as no surprise, given that he is both a shrewd politician and an &#8216;election machine&#8217;.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu has advantages, but also disadvantages that put him in the weakest position of all the current candidates. This has been confirmed by multiple polls.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>Ekrem Imamoglu\u2019s judicial conviction on 14 December 2022, and the fact that this verdict paves the way for his ban from politics, has completely changed his candidacy case.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>Mansur Yava\u015f&#8217;s nationalist background, and the fact that he still uses former MHP cadres in the staff of the municipality, may cause the Kurdish political movement to maintain distance from him if he is a candidate.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li>Turkey&#8217;s 2023 election depends on what the \u03bfpposition does to anticipate the moves Erdo\u011fan makes to stay in power.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Read <a href=\"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/Policy-paper-120-Ozturk.pdf\">here<\/a> in pdf the Policy paper by <strong>\u0130\u015ftar G\u00f6zayd\u0131n,<\/strong> Professor of Law and Politics and <strong>Ahmet Erdi \u00d6zt\u00fcrk, <\/strong>Non-Resident Scholar, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2>Introduction<\/h2>\n<blockquote><p><em>Although it may seem like a normal process when viewed from this perspective, certain dynamics in the country mean that these elections could bring to an end the period in which the AKP has ruled by means of various unofficial coalitions.\u00a0<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>If the electons aren\u2019t moved forward, Turkey will go to the polls <a href=\"https:\/\/www.gmfus.org\/news\/upcoming-elections-turkey-unfair-real-and-competitive\">in June 2023<\/a> to elect both the President and the parliament. Although it may seem like a normal process when viewed from this perspective, certain dynamics in the country mean that these elections could bring to an end the period in which the AKP has ruled by means of various unofficial coalitions. This makes them crucial.<\/p>\n<p>Erdo\u011fan&#8217;s AKP has been in power for more than 20 years; starting in 2011<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a>, and then in the wake of the 2016 coup attempt<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a>, it has created an increasingly authoritarian political structure. Along with some of the country\u2019s Islamist and nationalist elements, it has exerted both legal and <em>de facto<\/em> pressure on almost every opposition group, including Kurds, Alevis, liberals, members of LGBTI groups and social democrats. On the one hand, as the political and social atmosphere gets heavier day by day, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wsj.com\/articles\/turkeys-unsustainable-economic-model-may-be-sustained-for-quite-a-while-11670953707\">the AKP\u2019s economic model<\/a>, which is not based on production and added value, has come close to collapse due both to global crises and the Government\u2019s erroneous monetary policy. In this context, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.duvarenglish.com\/turkeys-independent-academics-announce-annual-inflation-rate-as-186-percent-news-61371\">Inflation Research Group (ENAG)<\/a>, which consists of academics, announced Turkey\u2019s annual inflation rate to be 181.37% as of August. Although <a href=\"https:\/\/www.globaldata.com\/data-insights\/macroeconomic\/inflation-in-turkey-increased-to-a-24-year-high\/#:~:text=Turkey%20CPI%20Inflation%20(Jan%202021%20to%20May%202022%2C%25)&amp;text=According%20to%20Turkstat%20(Turkish%20Statistical,to%20roughly%2070%25%20in%20April.\">TURKSTAT<\/a>, the state statistical institution, declares inflation to be a mere 80 percent, with the exception of a happy minority, every segment of society is facing financial difficulties. In parallel, the rise in femicide and child abuse, coupled with the government&#8217;s silence on the rapidly rising rate of crime, seems to have exhausted the patience of Turkish society.<\/p>\n<p>In fact, the major structural and administrative problems mentioned above are not new to Turkey. It is just that they are more prominent than they have been in the past. In this context, Turkish society actually gave the AKP government and its MHP allies in the People&#8217;s Alliance their first warning in the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/world-europe-47764393\">2019 local elections<\/a>, when the country\u2019s two most important metropolitan cities, Ankara and Istanbul, fell to the Opposition following the merger of the CHP and IYI Party. The 2019 local elections also showed that it was possible for the Opposition to defeat authoritarian regimes through elections, thereby showing voters how essential it was for them to join forces. It was in this context that the Nation Alliance was formed to oppose the People&#8217;s Alliance, through the merger of the CHP, IYI Party, Future Party, DEVA Party, Felicity Party and Democrat Party. Although the country&#8217;s largest and most central political movement, the AKP itself, belongs to neither of these two structures, it would seem that the 2023 election will be fought between the Nation Alliance and the People&#8217;s Alliances. In other words, the Opposition will take on Erdo\u011fan by trying to beat the Nation Alliance candidate.<\/p>\n<p>The Table of Six formed by the leaders of the Nation Alliance parties say that their main purpose is to replace the Erdo\u011fan administration by beating him at the ballot box, and then to establish a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.duvarenglish.com\/six-opposition-parties-propose-new-constitution-draft-for-strengthened-parliamentary-system-news-61578\">Strengthened Parliamentary System<\/a> in place of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.swp-berlin.org\/en\/publication\/turkeys-presidential-system-after-two-and-a-half-years\">Presidential Government System<\/a>. Although commissions have been established for this and a draft constitution has been drawn up, conceptually this system has no equivalent in the political science literature. On the other hand, for system change, it is not enough simply to win the Presidency; it is also necessary to obtain a majority in the parliament that is sufficient to change the system, or at least pave the way for the change to be put to a referendum. For this, it is imperative for the Nation Alliance to work collectively before, during and after the election.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>Erdo\u011fan seems to be playing all his cards to win this election, which should come as no surprise, given that he is both a professional politician and an &#8216;election machine&#8217;.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>For the first time, public opinion polls put Erdo\u011fan behind almost all of his potential rivals. Realizing this, Erdo\u011fan has started to implement <a href=\"https:\/\/www.al-monitor.com\/originals\/2022\/12\/turkeys-economic-growth-loses-steam-elections-near\">electoral economics in recent months<\/a> as the country enters the pre-election period, announcing investment and aid packages that will impact directly on households. On the other hand, in parallel with trying to end the tensions he has maintained for years with countries like <a href=\"https:\/\/www.al-monitor.com\/originals\/2022\/05\/can-ankara-riyadh-rapprochement-help-improve-turkey-egypt-ties\">Saudi Arabia and Egypt<\/a> with a view to improving Turkey\u2019s economic indicators to a certain extent, he is also starting to toughen up his discourse on countries such as <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bloomberg.com\/news\/articles\/2022-12-11\/turkey-greece-tensions-erdogan-warns-missiles-can-hit-athens\">Greece<\/a>, which could rally nationalist elements behind him. Erdo\u011fan has also shown his willingness of late to use the notion of &#8220;loyalty&#8221; emotionally in this election, calling on his voters to vote for him &#8220;<a href=\"https:\/\/atalayar.com\/en\/content\/erdogan-leaves-door-open-running-one-last-time-after-his-umpteenth-blow-opposition\">one last time<\/a>&#8220;. In short, Erdo\u011fan seems to be playing all his cards to win this election, which should come as no surprise, given that he is both a professional politician and an &#8216;election machine&#8217;.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, the Opposition seems, in a sense, to have lost the momentum that gave it such a boost in the summer months. In fact, considering Turkey\u2019s economic and social situation, Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu seems to have had made a very good point when he said: <a href=\"https:\/\/t24.com.tr\/haber\/imamoglu-ndan-tarikat-ve-cemaatlere-iliskin-aciklama-hali-vakti-yerinde-hicbir-aile-oraya-cocugunu-yollamaz,1078279\">&#8216;The government cannot win the election under these conditions, but the Opposition can lose<\/a>&#8216;. At this point, the presidential candidate to be produced by the Table of Six becomes important. Even though Turkey\u2019s public bodies are unanimous in declaring it very late in the day to be announcing its candidate, the Table of Six say that the election manifesto and coordination are more important than the candidate. However, this does not ring true, when we consider the Turkish electorate over the last two decades. In a country that has been ruled by a leader-centered movement for 20 years, Erdo\u011fan&#8217;s opponent and their characteristics are the factors that will impact on the outcome of the elections most directly.<\/p>\n<p>In this context, this short study aims to paint portraits of the three candidates who are most prominent in public opinion and the polls. These candidates are Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu, Chairman of the main opposition CHP party; Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu, Mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality; and Mansur Yava\u015f, Mayor of Ankara Metropolitan Municipality.<\/p>\n<h2>Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu: a willing but weak candidate<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>Since Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu, Chairman of the Republican People&#8217;s Party, is both the leader of the main opposition party and the representative of the party with the highest vote in the Table of Six, it is natural that it should be he who faces off against Erdo\u011fan. Although he said party leaders should not be candidates in what was then the new system in the 2018 presidential elections, and his party appointed <a href=\"https:\/\/www.hurriyetdailynews.com\/muharrem-ince-short-bio-of-presidential-candidate-in-turkey-elections-133712\">Yalova Deputy Muharrem \u0130nce<\/a> as its candidate instead of him, he wants to go down in history as the man who defeated Erdo\u011fan, now that the veteran politician is at his weakest. Although he says it does not matter who the candidate is, and that the important thing is changing the system, he has shown himself to be very eager to run with the &#8216;self&#8217; centered language he has been using recently and with his actions. However, at this point, K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu has disadvantages as well as advantages, which puts him in the weakest position of all the current candidates. This is confirmed by many election polls.<\/p>\n<p>K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu joined the process of forming a more active Opposition after the <a href=\"https:\/\/m.bianet.org\/bianet\/society\/187459-kilicdaroglu-starts-justice-march\">Justice March<\/a> he held in 2017. In this context, the short videos he published, the fact that the institutions responsible for these events came to his door after the events, and his agenda-setting rhetoric could all be plus points for him. Likewise, the fact that he played a role in the IYI Party entering parliament and that he brought together six parties with different views can also be read as plus points in his favour. As a result of these, he achieved a significant victory in winning the metropolitan cities in the 2019 local elections by fielding the right candidates.<\/p>\n<p>However, K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu has disadvantages that outweigh his advantages. First and foremost, his CHP party has proved unable to significantly increase its share of the vote since he became its leader, and has not won any victories against Erdo\u011fan. Secondly, from past election campaigns, it is clear that the chance of K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu making mistakes and blunders during the campaign is very high. Moreover, K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu, who does not fit the profile of a charismatic leader in Turkish politics, which has become a more evident requirement during the Erdo\u011fan era, does not seem to excite the masses.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu is an Alevi is a problem still in Turkey in 2023, especially since he would be facing an AKP government which uses religious structures and arguments to make political gains in a country with a Sunni majority.\u00a0<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Over and above these disadvantages, the fact that K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu is an Alevi is a problem still in Turkey in 2023, especially since he would be facing an AKP government which uses religious structures and arguments to make political gains in a country with a Sunni majority. At the same time, a big question mark hangs over whether a 73-year-old politician will have the stamina required during a period in which Turkey needs reform. However, both K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu and his team seem very eager for the candidacy; it would therefore seem difficult for him to withdraw on his own.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<h2>Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu: a candidate who could win<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n<blockquote><p><em>However, crucially, his conviction by the judiciary on December 14 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2022\/dec\/14\/istanbul-mayor-ekrem-imamoglu-sentenced-to-jail-over-fools-insult\">2022<\/a>, and the fact that this verdict paves the way for his being banned from politics, has completely changed the situation regarding \u0130mamo\u011flu.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Since Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu won the Istanbul elections for the second time, whether he will be a candidate or not has been one of the most debated issues in Turkish public discourse. Although he tries to rein in his own ambitions, given the eagerness of the chairman of his party to run for president, he showed that he is ready for the candidacy, should the need arise with the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.al-monitor.com\/originals\/2022\/05\/istanbul-mayor-challenges-akp-government-visit-erdogans-home-province\">Black Sea trip<\/a> he made a few months ago and with some of his rhetoric. Moreover, according to many experts, \u0130mamo\u011flu also has the profile of a winner, given his way of doing politics, the good relations he has established with different sectors of the public, and the fact that he has already won two victories against Erdo\u011fan. However, crucially, his conviction by the judiciary on December 14 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2022\/dec\/14\/istanbul-mayor-ekrem-imamoglu-sentenced-to-jail-over-fools-insult\">2022<\/a>, and the fact that this verdict paves the way for his being banned from politics, has completely changed the situation regarding \u0130mamo\u011flu. And this situation could well alter the fate of Turkey.<\/p>\n<p>If we do not take the lawsuit decision into account, we can say that two of \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019s biggest advantages over Erdo\u011fan are his popularity and his young age. And this popularity extends abroad. Another advantage is that he can produce arguments that are both effective during the campaign and that can free Erdo\u011fan&#8217;s hand when necessary. Although he was up against former Prime Minister Binali Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m in the Istanbul elections, it was actually Erdo\u011fan he was running against, and he showed that he could manage a successful campaign. At the same time, \u0130mamo\u011flu has the political language and understanding required to win votes from Kurdish, Sunni, Alevi, Turkish and other voter groups. He is able to achieve this thanks to the team he has established in Istanbul. At the same time, having a political story from Istanbul makes his story similar to Erdo\u011fan\u2019s, which is also an advantage.<\/p>\n<p>On top of all these advantages, \u0130mamo\u011flu also has a new one: specifically, the political ban placed on him. Over and above approval or disapproval of the decision, the Turkish judiciary has somehow made Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu into a hero and drawn comparisons with Erdo\u011fan&#8217;s own political story. In this context, the Turkish president has increased the chances of \u0130mamo\u011flu being made a candidate with his own hand. If the Erdo\u011fan-controlled judiciary imposed a political ban, which means he cannot run in the elections, Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu will have been revealed as a major actor in Turkey\u2019s future.<\/p>\n<p>Before the lawsuit, \u0130mamo\u011flu had one more disadvantage, though it is still unclear how this will pan out after the court case. Imamoglu&#8217;s disadvantage is not something he brought down on himself directly: it is that he is known not to have been on good terms with his party since his candidacy came to the fore. If he is nominated, this situation will change; for now, though, we can say that he lacks major organizational support. In this context, his candidacy actually depends on his own and the CHP&#8217;s insistence on \u0130mamo\u011flu rather than K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu. Of course, the verdict of the court and its consequences could change everything.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<h2>Mansur Yava\u015f: a risky candidate<strong style=\"font-size: 16px;\">\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>Ankara Metropolitan <a href=\"https:\/\/ahvalnews.com\/mansur-yavas\">Mayor Mansur Yava\u015f<\/a>, who has always been presented in the polls as the candidate who can win easily against Erdo\u011fan, is a little more cautious than K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu and \u0130mamo\u011flu regarding his candidacy. The main reason for this may be that \u0130mamo\u011flu, who was not actually that cautious, learned a lesson from his relative isolation. Moreover, by doing so, Yava\u015f is also able to convey that, if the Table of Six does chose him as their candidate, it will be a unanimous decision, and that he will act in accordance with their decisions. It is unclear what will happen to \u0130mamo\u011flu after his sentence.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>Yava\u015f&#8217;s nationalist background, and the fact that he still uses former MHP cadres in the staff of the municipality, may cause the Kurdish political movement to keep its distance from him.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Yava\u015f\u2019s biggest advantage is that he is seen as a reliable candidate by the Turkish public, who consider him to be honest and transparent. It is also to his advantage that he has administered Ankara\u2019s public works and the tendering process in a transparent manner. However, this is also a disadvantage, as we do not know what Yava\u015f has to say about Turkey as a whole and world politics\u2014and what he would do on the national and international stage. Also, we do not really know what sort of political staff Yava\u015f will have behind him. Yava\u015f has two other disadvantages: the first is that there have to be questions about his ability to run a presidential campaign against an opponent like Erdo\u011fan, a campaign that will be very tough in every field. A big question mark hangs over whether he has the political ability to sustain it. Finally, another factor that will determine the result of the election is the attitude of the country\u2019s Kurdish political movement. Here, Yava\u015f&#8217;s nationalist background, and the fact that he still uses former MHP cadres in the staff of the municipality, may cause the Kurdish political movement to keep its distance from him.<\/p>\n<h2>Conclusion<strong style=\"font-size: 16px;\">\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n<blockquote><p><em>Turkey&#8217;s 2023 election depends on what the Opposition does in anticipation of the moves Erdo\u011fan makes to stay in power.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>On the one hand, Erdo\u011fan is approaching the most difficult election he has ever fought; on the other hand, Turkey is heading towards one of the most critical elections in its history. Whether Erdo\u011fan or the candidate who runs against him wins will determine whether Turkey continues as an authoritarian state or embarks on a process of reform. At this point, Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu seems to be the luckiest candidate. However, the possibility that Erdo\u011fan will instrumentalize the law prior to the election to disable a candidate who could defeat him is a problem. At this point, the most logical thing for the Table of Six to do is to announce its candidate as soon as possible, and for this candidate to be selected rationally in the light of current conditions. However, should Erdo\u011fan somehow push \u0130mamo\u011flu out of the system before the election, they still need to find a backup candidate who will not split the votes and who will agree to withdraw from the election if necessary. In short, Turkey&#8217;s 2023 election depends on what the Opposition does in anticipation of the moves Erdo\u011fan makes to stay in power.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> Baser, Bahar, and Ahmet Erdi \u00d6zt\u00fcrk.\u00a0<em>Authoritarian politics in Turkey: Elections, resistance and the AKP<\/em>. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> Ta\u015f, Hakk\u0131. &#8220;The 15 July abortive coup and post-truth politics in Turkey.&#8221;\u00a0<em>Southeast European and Black Sea Studies<\/em>\u00a018, no. 1 (2018): 1-19.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Turkey will go to the polls at the latest in June 2023 to elect both the President and the parliament. These elections could bring to an end the period in which the AKP has ruled by means of various unofficial coalitions.\u00a0 The 2019 municipal elections also showed that it was possible for the opposition to [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":29219,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[492,104],"tags":[],"program":[24],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29218"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=29218"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29218\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":45205,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29218\/revisions\/45205"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/29219"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=29218"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=29218"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=29218"},{"taxonomy":"program","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.eliamep.gr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/program?post=29218"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}